Enclaves of Angarpota-Dahagram

University of Dhaka
Assignment on
Enclaves of Angarpota-Dahagram
A critical Analysis of governance mechanism
Course title: Development and governance
Course No: 305
Submitted to
Atiq Rhaman
Course Teacher
Dept. of international Relations
Submitted by
Md. Ariful Islam B.B.S (Hon`s) 3rd year 6th Semester
Roll.(62)
Dept. of International Relations
University of Dhaka






Acknowledgement
At first we want gratitude of my honorable course teacher Atiq Rahman .When we talk with you. we told you that we are very interested to visit APDH and then we want to make an assignment. He encouraged and inspired us at the same time he gave us some instructions which is very necessary for us.Special thanks go to Sydur Rahman who is a local businessman; he arranged our accommodation.
We also want to thank Upazilla Norah officer Md.Bulbul Ahamed .And the Chairman of the AGDH Md Sydur Rahman..Both two persons give me some valuable data which is very important to complete my assignment. I also grateful for the inhabitants because they give me valuable time in an interview with me Rasel, lizu(university of Dhaka.)
Thanks to press institute of Bangladesh (PIB) and Bangladesh institute international studies .I collected most of assignment related Secondary data from these institutions.
It should be noted here that it is impossible for us to complete our assignment without the Kind helping of our honorable course Teacher. He gave me some instruction like, how should I go ahead regarding my work. What should be focused? What should I go to get interview.
At last I place my humble acknowledgement to Almighty Allah for everything.






Enclaves of Angarpota-Dahagram
A critical Analysis of governance mechanism



Abstract:
Acknowledgement:
Introduction:
What is Enclaves?
Brief History of AGDH Enclaves:
Condition of AGDH inhabitants before 1992:
Human rights and the people’s constitution of BD:
Government Initiative towards AGDH after independence:
Present condition of AGDH Inhabitants
Communication Problem
Poverty Problem
Infrastructure Problem
What they want?
What should be done?
Conclusion
Reference



Abstract:

Bangladesh has failed to fulfill its constitutional Commitments Towards its people living in the enclaves of Angorpota Dhogram .In order to seeing What is actual situation in a Cristal clear ,Last month 12 November I visited AGDH enclaves through the TIN Bihar corridor with my friend .If we want to see our constitution Article 36, “subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by the in the public interest , every Citizens Shall have the right to move freely throughout the Bangladesh ,Reside and settle in any place therein and to leave and re-enter” , the Picture is totally different in this enclaves . Specifically, I focus on fieldwork in Angarpota-Dahagram (AGDH), two large Bangladeshi enclaves joined together as a Union Parishad within Upazila Patgram in the Lalmonirhat district of Banglades
After crossing the corridor, when I entered the AGDG enclaves I discovered that local Bangladeshis are faced Multidimensional problems. When I spoke to the local Bangladeshis they expressed their untold stories. They said the Bangladeshi nationals living the two enclaves do not have 24 hours access through the corridor, before 1992 the situation was more measurable At this moment corridor is opened is only 12 hours 6.30 AM to 6.30 pm out of 24 hours. New Dhili does not allow them beyond 12 hours through the corridor even if any medical emergency arise. (Recently because of initiative of Bangladesh government BSF allow the emergency patients but the process is opening the corridor is very time consuming as a result sometimes patients are died or recover.
.
It is very important to note here that although 1974 agreement was signed regarding the Tin Begha corridor between Bangladesh and India .But India opened this corridor on July 1992 only for 2 hours in a day. After 1994 India opened this corridor 6 hours in a day the process was that 1 hour opened and 1 hour closed. How was the cruel Behavior! At the moment Corridor is opened only 12 hours as I mention above.
As the Accords has it: "India will retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No.12 … in exchange Bangladesh will retain the Dahagram and Angarpota enclaves. India will lease in perpetuity to Bangladesh an area … to connect Dahagram with … Bangladesh."
In this paper I will try my best to find out the following question. How this Kinds of Enclaves came into being. What was the situation APDH inhabitant before 1992 and after? What Bangladesh constitution says and what kinds of initiative have been taken after independence. And why India opened this corridor 1992 although a treaty was signed in 1974.Have any politics involve here. Because of the government level lack of initiative what kinds of problem they were faced before 1992 and the present .If any lack of initiative of Bangladesh government, is it not the violation of our constitution, The APDG, what they want now. What are the government initiatives in the present? And finally I try to focus on some recommendation regarding the issues.
Introduction:
AGDH is a loosely knit network of nine villages. The majority of its residents live in thatched houses, while some of the more wealthy residents side in tin-roofed and sometimes even brick walled, homes. Covering approximately 4,600 acres, AGDH is largely fertile farmland. The majority of the residents make a living through small-scale agriculture, sharecropping, and forms of day labor. Primary crops AGDH include wheat, corn, rice, peanuts, tobacco, potatoes and various other vegetables. Physically, it both resembles many other enclaves and, indeed, villages in Lalmonirhat, one of the most impoverished districts in Bangladesh. However, AGDH is complex even within the scope of the already Byzantine history of The enclaves because of a long struggle over the opening of the Tin Bigha Corridor,  land bridge through Indian territory connecting AGDH to the Bangladeshi  mainland This Corridor, originally promised to Bangladesh by India in the 1974 Indira-Mujib Accords, was the focus of prolonged political debate by both countries, and the subject of fierce and Occasionally violent political action by residents of both AGDH and the surrounding Mekhliganj Thana in India. Since 1992 the Tin Bigha Corridor has been opened and maintained by Indies Border Security Force (BSF); and the BSF, the area, and its inhabitants are in turn monitored by Bangladeshi border security force, the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR).While initially opened for only one hour a day, the Corridor currently
Open from 6 am to 6 pm(Indian time)

Geographical size of AGDG. Source: Authors Own Collection.

What Is An Enclave?
The world has several parts of countries that are detached from the mainland of that country. The general name for these areas is fragments. If a fragment is completely surrounded by one foreign country, it is called an enclave’s According to the Oxford English Dictionary the word „enclave‟ was first used in English in 1868.3 Oxford English Dictionary defines an enclave
As “a portion of territory entirely surrounded by foreign dominations”. In other words, an enclave is a geographical territory which is completely surrounded by foreign territory (including foreign territory.


Brief History of AGDH Enclaves:
The corridor has a long and complex background. For a proper appreciation, one needs to go back to the Radcliffe Award, the Berubari dispute and the legal developments that followed. The then East Pakistan was created by dividing the province of Bengal and by adding to the part separated from India some areas of Assam. This division took place on the basis of the report of the Bengal Boundary Commission, known as the Radcliffe Award. The terms of reference of the Boundary Commission were as follows:

" The Boundary Commission is instructed to demarcate the boundaries of the two parts of Bengal on the basis of ascertaining the contiguous areas of Muslims and non-Muslims. In doing so, it will take into account other factors."

"Other factors" were taken into account, because as the Radcliffe Award, inter alia, said "The province offers few, if any, satisfactory natural boundaries, and its development has been on lines that do not well accord with a division by contiguous majority areas of Muslims and non-Muslims majorities", In the first few months after the Radcliffe Award, disputes of interpretation arose. These disputes were not resolved until the Indo-Pakistan Agreement of September 10, 1958, (the Nehru-Noon Agreement). Because these disputes, originally arising out of the anomalies in the Radcliffe Award, were not settled for such a long time, tension continued and new disputes arose.

The Berubari dispute was one such. Radcliffe divided the district of Jalpaiguri between India and Pakistan by awarding some thanas to one country and others to the other country. The boundary line was determined on the basis of the boundaries of the thanes. In describing this boundary, Radcliffe awarded Berubari Union No. 12 which lied within Jalpaiguri Thana to India. He also awarded another part of Berubari to the then Pakistan.

Within a year of Partition of Bengal (1947), the issue began to surface and posed potential political and communal tensions between India and Pakistan. To tackle the situation, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India, and Prime Minister Firoz Khan Noon of Pakistan entered upon an agreement in 1952 aiming to 'exchange the enclaves between the two countries'. But when a part of southern Beriberi (7.39 sq km), an East Bengal enclave adjacent to the Boda thana of Panchagarh district, was about to be handed over to East Bengal, opposition in India against the decision was so strong that it was decided 'to retain the piece of land by India, but in exchange for a stretch of an acre of land called 'Tin Bigha' to link Angarpota-Dahagram enclave under Patgram thana of the Nilphamari district with mainland East Bengal'. This decision was not imply in 1958, there was an official agreement to exchange all of the enclaves in the Nehru-Noon Accords, though deteriorating relations between East Pakistan and India and a series of court cases in India prevented this from being implemented. Another attempt to resolve the enclave issue was mounted in 1974 under the Indira-Mujib Accords. The accords make specific provisions to exchange all of the enclaves with the exception of AGDH and Berubari Union, a disputed area along the border with Jalpaiguri. As the Accords have it: "India will retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No.12 … in exchange Bangladesh will retain the Dahagram and Angarpota enclaves. India will lease in perpetuity to Bangladesh an area … to connect Dahagram with … Bangladesh." emented for more than two decades because of legal wrangles on the Indian side.
Source: Brendan R. Whyte, Waiting for the Esquimo, available at: http://eprints.infodiv.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00001443/01/whyte.pdf, accessed on 23 December 2010.

Government Initiative towards AGDH after independence:
Emergence of independent Bangladesh in 1971 created some optimism about resolution of issues relating to the enclaves and other outstanding boundary disputes. In the agreement signed on 16 May 1974 by Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Prime Ministers of India and Bangladesh, it was decided to put into effect the demarcation of boundaries at selected stretches. Section 14 of the agreement was about handing over of the southern part of South Berubari to India in exchange of a passage in perpetuity linking Angarpota-Dahagram with Patgram in Bangladesh. The Berubari dispute was thus finally resolved by Article 1.14 of the Agreement which stated:

"India will retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No. 12 and the adjacent enclaves, measuring an area of 2.64 square miles approximately, and in exchange Bangladesh will retain the Dahagram and Angorpota enclaves. India will lease in perpetuity to Bangladesh an area of 178 metres x 85 metres near 'Tin Bigha' to connect Dahagram with Panbari Mouza (P.S. Patgram) of Bangladesh."In this regard Third Amendment was held: The Constitution (Third Amendment) Act 1974 was passed to give effect to the agreement with India giving up the claim in respect of Berubari and retaining Dahagram and Angorpota.

Picture: Author is standing beside the corridor.
Source: Authors Own Collection
The activities of the two committees did succeed in attracting attention to the issue in both countries. In India, the cause of the Anti-Movement Committee was championed by the Bharatiya Jananta Party (BJP), which fought bitterly against the opening of the corridor, locally and in the Look Sahba. On the Bangladesh side, in 1986, then president Ershad made the first of two visits to the enclave, becoming the first head of state to visit the chhitmahals. For many, this visit was a long-overdue acknowledgement of AGDH's belonging to Bangladesh. As a resident recalled: "After Ershad's arrival, we were quite speechless. It was as though we helpless folks got our father. We began weeping before him." Ershad's visit became a rallying cry for AGDH members, both encouraging them that the Bangladeshi central government was aware of their suffering and giving them hope that some resolution to the issue would be reached.
Ershad proposed a number of solutions to the AGDH problem, including constructing a flyover so that residents could cross the Tin Bigha corridor without ever touching Indian soil. However, it was not until 1992, under the BNP, that the corridor was finally opened amidst strong protest from the Anti-Movement Committee. "At last, we got it," said one resident. "Now the corridor is open for 12 hours a day. Even if it were for 1 hour a day, still we would be happy, because we have suffered a lot, which embittered our heart so much that I never wish to step in India. Now, by God's grace, every


Indian attitude towards Angarpota-Dahagram:
During the Pakistani period, under the 1952 agreement, India agreed to hand over 'Tin Bigha' to Pakistan in perpetuity to link Angarpota-Dahagram in exchange of the southern half of South Berubari Union No. 12 and the adjacent enclaves. Whereas, in 1974 agreement, India instead of handing over 'Tin Bigha' to Bangladesh in perpetuity, only agreed to grant a lease in perpetuity of Tin Bigha to Bangladesh despite the fact that Bangladesh agreed and handed over the sovereignty of half of South Berubari union No. 12 to India in perpetuity. The Bangladeshi draftsmen of the agreement completely ignored this due to which by handing over the sovereignty of South Berubari Union No. 12 to India, Bangladesh in exchange received nothing except a lease in perpetuity of the Tin Bigha from India.

Ignoring this issue of grave national importance, the Bangladesh government ratified the agreement forthwith and handed over the relevant part of South Berubari to India in 1974. But the handing over of the lease of Tin-Bigha corridor to Bangladesh was again delayed due to long constitutional and legal wrangling in India. This continued until 7 October 1982, when another agreement was signed. In the new agreement the exchange status in perpetuity in handing over Tin-Bigha was compromised with residual jurisdiction vested upon India, resulting in an unclear arrangement of limited access to the corridor by citizens of Bangladesh for movement between the mainland and the enclave.

However, India took another decade to implement the agreement with deteriorated terms. In India, the opposition to the 1974 and 1982 Agreements came from the people of Kuchlibari. Dhaprahat and Mekhliganj. Two organizations to spearhead the agitation, the Kuchlibari Sangram Committee and the Tin Bigha Sangram Committee were formed. In March 1983, the agitators filed three writ petitions challenging the 1982 Lease Agreement on various constitutional grounds in the Calcutta High Court. Among them, persons including the owner of a plot of land which would have to be acquired for being leased to Bangladesh. The court in delivering the judgment declared that, "…(e)Since Dahagram and Angorpota would remain as parts of the Bangladesh territory, the Agreements were necessary to enable Bangladesh to exercise its sovereignty in full over the said enclaves. (f) Inspite of the said Agreements India would retain its sovereignty, ownership and control over Tin Bigha…"

Not satisfied with the earlier judgment, the Kuchlibari Sangram Parishad filed an appeal on 12 April, 1984 before a Division Bench of the Calcutta High Court. The Division Bench pronounced their judgment in the appeal case on 19 September 1986, which broadly upheld the earlier judgment of the Calcutta High Court. The Bench maintained that as a result of 1974 and 1982 agreements, it could not be said that India had surrendered its sovereignty over Tin Bigha as there was a clause in the 1982 Agreement that sovereignty over Tin Bigha would continue to vest in India.

On 18 December 1986, upon a Special Leave Petition filed by the government of India, the Supreme Court of India delivered its judgment in May 1990 certifying that, as stipulated in the 1982 Lease Agreement, sovereignty over the Tin Bigha corridor would continue to vest in India and that Bangladesh would merely have "undisturbed possession" and "use" for the express purpose of connecting Dahagram with Panbari Mouza of Bangladesh in order to exercise sovereignty over Dahagram and Angorpota and for no other purpose.

Subsequently, in November 1991, a case challenging the acquisition of land for the corridor filed in the Calcutta High Court under the West Bengal Land/Acquisition Act was dismissed by the Court. The Supreme Court of India concluded that the Agreements did not amount to the lease or surrender of sovereignty as understood in international law.

Once these hurdles were settled, the governments of two countries signed another protocol on 26 March 1992 relating to security, control, and use of the corridor for movement of people and vehicular traffic between the enclave and the mainland of Bangladesh. The control of the passage rested almost fully with Indian authorities.

Condition of APDG inhabitants before 1992: To understand the situation in AGDH, one must understand its history leading up to the opening of the corridor. AGDH is unique amongst the Indian and Bangladeshi chhitmahals. Its access to the Tista river, its size (approximately 4,000 acres), and the political struggle fought at both local and national levels over the opening of the corridor distinguish it from other areas. Yet many of the difficulties its residents have faced over the past 60 years are similar in kind to other enclaves'. Before the opening of the corridor, the lives of AGDH's residents were, to a large extent, governed by the tide of relations between India and East Pakistan and, later, Bangladesh.
When relations were good, residents were able to go to Mekhliganj, the surrounding Indian Thana, to sell crops and buy essentials. But even during these periods of relative calm, residents faced numerous kinds of exploitation. As one resident described it to me: "We had to go through the camp, where the BSF man would note our names, inspect the goods we were carrying, and suggest, 'Okay, you can go to market later, first come inside the camp and cut the grass, or clean the lavatory, or so on.' They used to force us to pay in labour for around one hour. Afterward , we were allowed to bring rice, or wheat, weighing at most 5 kg."
When relations between the two countries were less good, residents had to risk crossings at night to reach the village of Patgram to buy and sell goods. They were subject to periodic blockades where conditions inside AGDH often reached near famine states. Many residents shared experiences with me of having to survive by eating shrubs while staying trapped in the enclave for months on end. "We had to bury our dead in rags or banana leaves," many told me. Looting was a constant problem, as was cattle theft and even abduction of women. Many residents complained of communal tensions that frequently escalated into outright conflict amongst residents of AGDH, the BSF, or residents of Mekhliganj.

One of the most serious incidents took place in the months before the India-Pakistan war in 1965. One night in March, members of surrounding Indian areas burned the village to the ground. Many of the villagers remember the horror and confusion of that evening. One man described the event to me. "We noticed some hasty movement of villagers and noticed fire on the north side. Most of the men returned home, shutting their shops … We saw people north of the village crossing the road. Everybody was carrying bundles, gripping their children, and walking fast. The fire in the north was widening … My father rushed to the cow-shed and untied all of the cows, so that they could save their lives … My father took hold of the rice pot. We kids were walking alongside my mother. We reached Tin Bigha …Then the population of the enclave was around 12,000. Around 3000 stayed at their homes. These were non-Muslims (Hindus). The rest of the mass gathered there. When we arrived at the Tin Bigha, the BSF weren't allowing us to pass. I remember hearing a few gunshots. The BSF was firing to prevent people from crossing Indian territory, but we were desperate, and by 10 p.m. we passed Tin Bigha and reached the mainland."

Picture: Author himself discussed with some young boys Source: Authors Own Collection
The bulk of the refugees sheltered in makeshift camps in Patgram thana, staying there for three weeks while cross-border tension remained high. Eventually, residents were allowed back into the enclave and received nominal compensation from the Indian government, including a cow for each family and other household essentials. Many residents report that they were forced to eat the cow to survive during the ensuing months of hardship, while houses were rebuilt and crops re-sown.
Such experiences were certainly not unique to AGDH. Indeed, many residents of Indian also reported incidents of looting, land grabbing, cattle theft, burning, and blockades, particularly during the East Pakistan period. However, AGDH's size and politics have made it a particular focus of conflict and tension since the Indira-Mujib accords.
In the early 1980s, several young activists inside AGDH formed a Dahagram Movement Committee to advocate for the implementation of the '74 treaty. This group staged public awareness campaigns and activist events to call attention to their cause. As one former member described it: "We printed hand-bills informing people of the condition in Dahagram, asking for help. We stuck these hand-bills in railway compartments to inform the country. We used to meet with the DC and suggest ways to solve our problem." Among other things, the committee organised a long "funeral" march to the Tin Bigha. As another member recalled: "We performed janaja [funeral rights] prayer in Dhaka. Then we began the Long March. We said that we would go through the Tin Bigha, as it should have been Bangladeshi land according to the treaty … It was a huge procession, looking like it was just waiting to explode. We were stopped, however, by Bangladeshi authorities short of the border."
At roughly the same time, in Mekhliganj, an Anti-Tin Bigha Movement Committee was also formed, pursuing a parallel campaign to try and prevent the corridor from being opened. For the Anti-Tin Bigha activists, the issue was also one of complicated geography. Committee members argued that ceding the Tin Bigha to Bangladesh would cut off a large portion of Mekhliganj thana, effectively making it into an enclave itself.2 Activists from each group took constant risks, defying the authority of both border security forces and frequently ending up on either country's wanted lists.

Ershad proposed a number of solutions to the AGDH problem, including constructing a flyover so that residents could cross the Tin Bigha corridor without ever touching Indian soil. However, it was not until 1992, under the BNP, that the corridor was finally opened amidst strong protest from the Anti-Movement Committee. "At last, we got it," said one resident. "Now the corridor is open for 12 hours a day. Even if it were for 1 hour a day, still we would be happy, because we have suffered a lot, which embittered our heart so much that I never wish to step in India. Now, by God's grace, every .


People rights, Government duties and the people’s constitution of BD:
If we want to see our constitution of Bangladesh we can that there are different kinds rights and duties are ensure there. It matter of very regret that. lack of political will, these are only committed on paper. Our constitution ensure that---
Article 11. Democracy and human rights.
The Republic shall be a democracy in which fundamental human rights and freedoms and
Respect for the dignity and worth of the human person shall be guaranteed, and in which effective
Participation by the people through their elected representatives in administration at
All levels shall be ensured.
Article 14. Emancipation of peasants and workers.
It shall be a fundamental responsibility of the State to emancipate the toiling masses the
Peasants and workers and backward sections of the people from all forms and exploitation.
Article 16. Rural development and agricultural revolution.
The State shall adopt effective measures to bring about a radical transformation in the rural
areas through the promotion of a agricultural revolution, the provision of rural electrification,
the development of cottage and other industries, and the improvement of education,
Communications and public health, in those areas, so as progressively to remove the disparity
in the standards of living between the urban and the rules areas.
Article 18. Public health and morality.
(1) The State shall regard the raising of the level of nutrition and the improvement of public Health as moving its primary duties, and in particular shall adopt effective measures to prevent The consumption, except for medical purposes or for such other purposes as may bePrescribed by law, of alcoholic and other intoxicating drinks and drugs which are injurious To health.
Article 19. Equality of opportunity.
(1) The State shall endeavour to ensure equality of opportunity to all citizens.
Article 27. Equality before law.
All citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law.
Article 28. Discrimination on grounds of religion, etc.
(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race
Caste, sex or place of birth.
Article 36. Freedom of movement.
Subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the public interest, every citizen
Shall have the right to move freely throughout Bangladesh, to reside and settle in any place Therein and to leave and re-enter Bangladesh.


Present condition of APDH Inhabitants:

The opening of the corridor was undoubtedly a positive step for AGDH members. The existence of the corridor means that residents can access markets, services, and resources in Patgram every day, which has provided a stable basis for agricultural trade and growth. As importantly, the corridor facilitates access to services inside of AGDH, including micro-credit and government aid initiatives. Further, the BDR has established camps in both the north and south of AGDH. Residents can bring border issues to the BDR, who can mediate with the BSF through Flag-meetings, often allowing for peaceful resolutions to tense situations.
In addition to this overall improvement of security and well-being for residents, the creation of the corridor has wrought a number of social changes as well. The most dramatic of these is an influx of new people. Following the opening of the corridor, the majority of Hindu residents in the enclave moved to India, creating a surfeit of cheap land. A number of people living on chars and erosion prone areas along the banks of the Jamuna purchased this land. These new residents, who the locals call Bhatiyas, now compose roughly 50 percent of the population. This has radically redrawn the political landscape of AGDH where, now, elections tend to be fought not along party lines, but between "original" inhabitants and the newcomers.
Beyond these changes, the corridor has served to formalize the border. While many residents used to conduct business in Mekhliganj haats, less than one km from the northern end of AGDH, now they report that going to India is no longer possible. All business is conducted in Patgram. This proves a significant difficulty for some residents, particularly those who live in Angarpota, situated in the north of the enclave. These residents are forced to travel 12 km south to the Tin Bigha, before reversing direction and traveling another 12 km north-east to Patgram.
Further, the fact that the corridor is under sovereign control of the BSF means that residents themselves do not control what goes into, and out of, the enclave. Last September, the BSF implemented a "cattle ceiling" to combat what they claimed was illegal smuggling of cattle to the slaughter markets in Patgram byway of AGDH. This ceiling limits the number of cattle that can be taken to market on any given haat day to 10, a ludicrously small number for an impoverished village of 16,000. Many AGDH residents posses no significant assets other than their cattle, and the ceiling, which is monitored and governed by the local UP Council, makes raising money for everything from land purchases to medical emergencies next to impossible.
The most pressing issues facing residents access to Bangladeshi mainland during evening hours. For most medical procedures, residents must make the journey to Patgram. Thisis particularly problematic in medical emergencies that take place during the night when the corridor is closed.
A BDR officer in charge of handling frequent local negotiations with the BSF, highlighted this issue. "Yesterday morning, just after the morning prayer [before dawn], my sentry knocked at my door to inform me that there was a critical patient with a baby who needed to go to Patgram. I ordered two jawans to take her up to Tin Bigha and make a request to the BSF. They allowed her to pass. These sorts of necessities frequently occur and we have to play our part. The problem happens during the night. If it is 9 p.m. or more, the BSF has many formalities … and these processes swallow one hour or more of time, which is critical for a patient or someone in medical emergency or labor pain. They dilly-dally and sometimes they just don't allow. They don't categorically deny passage because they may be condemned for violating international law. But they pretend to talk to other authorities, and after some time come out suggesting: "Our company commander isn't available now, so we can't allow you."





Now let us see that what sorts of problem enclave dwellers are facing:


Restricted Movements:
As we mentioned earlier that the enclave dwellers can move to and from the mainland in between a particular period of time, which is actually a barrier to their free movements. This barrier gives birth of numerous problems
During our visit, we also came to know that if anybody becomes sick and needs to be admitted in the Hospital in Patgram after dusk, they have to report in the Bangladesh Riffles (BDR) camp of Dahagram first. And then BDR authority contacts with Border Security Force (BSF) to open the gate of the corridor. But if BSF wishes they open the gate and if do not, the patient has to struggle for his life till dusk.



 Zero Medical Facilities:
Dahagram Government Hospital‟ which was formally started in 1995 is the only hospital in the Dahagram-Angorpota Enclaves. This ten-bed hospital was built at the cost of 12 crore taka and started its journey with three doctors and later it became four.31 But, the fact is that, at present the inhabitants are not getting any kind of medical assistance from the hospital.

.

Picture: 10 bed hospital.
Source: Authors Own Collection




 Trade Barriers:
For selling paddy or buying commodities, one has to walk to the corridor to Patgram. Transport is almost unlikely. BSF does not allow passing more than ten cows through the corridor from the whole enclaves to Patgram in the „Hat Bars. Lack of better transportation, it is very tough for the dwellers to carry their goods.

 Educational Problems:
Through conversations with the local teachers and students, we came to know that the number of primary schools and high school are inadequate compared to the number of the students and their conditions are also vulnerable.




Picture: High school of AGDH
Source: Authors Own Collection
The numbers of teachers are also very much inadequate. In fact, there is no college. Once the government provided scholarship to the poor and meritorious students which are stopped now. All these reasons are declining interests of the students towards education.
 Unnecessary Harassments:
Dahagram-Angorpota enclaves are separated from Indian land by only some scattered boundary pillars. Sometimes it becomes very difficult to identify that which are enclaves‟ land and which are India”s. That is why; often the dwellers enter into Indian lands unconsciously. But BSF does not allow such mistakes and sometime they fire from their observation posts if any dweller enters into Indian land by mistake.
Sometime it becomes easy for the smugglers to enter into Dahagram-Angorpota and halt there to save themselves from the security forces because of lack of adequate BDR camps & observation towers inside the enclaves. And it is reported that, sometimes to capture those criminals, BSF behave like a crucial animal. They fire from their borders and sometimes they enter into the enclaves which are totally illegal. Similarly, these Criminals can enter into the mainland of Bangladesh through the corridor which can be vulnerability for Bangladesh


.

■ River Bank Erosion:
River bank erosion is a common problem of our country and Dahagram-Angorpota enclaves are not exceptions regarding this case. It is informed by the local farmers of the enclaves that, because of the erosion, about 40% of their cultivable lands have gone under the bed of Tista River. Only about 1 km of river bank of Dahagram-Angorpota enclaves adjacent to the river Tista is protected by CC blocks which are inadequate. While visiting Taste River inside the enclaves, we saw that India has already captured a large portion of land areas which has risen out of the bed of Tista on their side.
On the other hand, large area of lands is rising out of the bed of Tista on India‟s side. Since, in the river the border is not properly demarked, India can naturally acquire the whole of the enclaves if this erosion continues. Until now, no such effective initiatives have been taken by either Bangladesh or India to demark the boundary of the enclaves throughout Tista River.
■ Economic Miseries:
Most of the enclaves‟ people are very much poor. There is lack of scope for working inside the enclaves. On the other hand, for the restrictions on the
Movement through the corridor, they do not work outside the enclaves properly. In fact, they usually do not receive adequate relief from the government in the times of emergency. Moreover, during the period of „Monga‟ they suffer from severe economic hurdle movement through the corridor, they do not work outside the enclaves properly. In fact, they usually do not receive adequate relief from the government in the times of emergency. Moreover, during the period of „Monga‟ they suffer from severe economic hurdle Monga is seasonal food insecurity in ecologically vulnerable and economically weak parts of north-western Bangladesh, primarily caused by an employment and income deficit before ‘aman’ is harvested.


Picture 12: Day Laborers at Dahagram Source: Authors‟ Own collection

What they want?
• Corridor must be opened in 24 hours.
• Although bed hospitals is situated here but it not operated well because of lack of specialist Doctors and others facilities and it should be open 24 hours both indoor and outdoor services.
• BSF does not allow passing more than ten cows through the corridor from the whole enclaves to Pat gram in the „Hat Bars. it must be increased in number.
• River bank erosion is a common problem of our country and Dahagram-Angorpota enclaves are not exceptions regarding this case. So inhabitants demand that, government should take necessary steps .regarding the issue.
• One High school has there, but it should be nationalized. At least one Collage must be stablished.Primary school should be number in 10.
• Electricity system should be expanding.
• Government should create special coda for the inhabitants because of improving their life style.
• Mobile tower should be built.
• At least one bank branch must be established.
• BGB camps should be increased.
• Social safety services should be increased such as V.G.F, V.G.D
What should be done?
From the above discussion it may be clear that what kinds of problems are faced AGDH inhabitants .In This Case, they are in a position where Bangladesh government can do something at the same time Indian government has the responsibility to ----------. These problems should be solved in two ways 1. The bi-lateral level of India and Bangladesh 2. And another in their domestic level.
Whenever we analyze india .Bangladesh relations,it is very clear to us. India has failed to test the friendship of Bangladesh.Because ,although a treaty was signed in 1974 regarding the issues of a AGDH,but it took long time to open the Corridor. Now Bangladesh government try to negotiated with India that India must open this corridor 24 hours according to the 1974 treaty
Bangladesh government should priority to improve the infrastructural situation of AGDH. And which I mentioned above. .On the other hand Bangladesh government is not very much interested to improved socio- economic and political situation.



Conclusion:
From the above discussion we see that the socio-economic conditions of the inhabitants of the Dahagram-Angorpota enclaves are helpless. Their fundamental rights are being violated in every part of their lives. The politics is going on between India and Bangladesh but these innocent peoples are suffering. Dahagram-Angorpota is a part of Bangladesh. So the inhabitants of these enclaves should enjoy the same self-determination as exist elsewhere in Bangladesh. They should not feel themselves as isolated, unsecured, imprisoned or deprived.