Contents
Abstract:
1.
Introduction:
2) Aims and
objectives of Indian foreign policy:
A)
Conventional Security
B)
Economic Growth
C)
Energy security
D)
Nuclear Capability and Nonproliferation
E)
prestige Security
3) What factors
indicates India as a regional big power: India as a Rising Power:
4) The policy
which is followed India to maintain its dominance in South Asian countries
which are given below:
Pakistan:
Nepal:
Bangladesh:
Sri Lanka:
Bhutan:
Afghanistan:
Maldives:
Conclusion:
Reference:
Indian foreign policy towards
South Asia: As a regional big power
Abstract:
India’s foreign policies in recent years
have made commendable progress in terms of relations with major world powers.
Relations with the United States are moving towards more strategic cooperation
to secure India’s national security interests. China despite its traditional
rhetoric has seen the wisdom of greater economic cooperation with India and
departing from its hostility following the 1998 nuclear tests by India.
European Union Countries and Russia have modulated their policies towards India
to exploit the vast defiance purchase market and economic opportunities that
India presents.
However, despite all of the above
India’s foreign policies in South Asia need a drastic review. If there is a
growing recognition worldwide that India is a power to reckon with in South
Asia and an emerging key player in global affairs, then India, at the first
instance needs to reinforce and press home this reality in the South Asian
neighborhood
Introduction:
Since 1947, after the independence from
British, India had given attention to national development in line with the
existence of India as an independent and sovereign country. Now, India can no
longer be considered as an insignificant country in the international system,
on the other hand, India is now a country that would become one of the world's big
powers. India’s rapid development in the field of economy, politics and
security had an important effect to India’s power in the South Asian region. [1]India’s
rise and dominant role in the geopolitics of the South Asian region has placed
India as the region’s superpower.
2) Aims and
objectives of Indian foreign policy:
The
guiding principles of India's Foreign Policy have been founded on Panchsheel,
pragmatism and pursuit of national interest. In a period of rapid and
continuing change, foreign policy must be capable of responding optimally to
new challenges and opportunities. It has to be an integral part of the larger
effort of building the nation's capabilities through economic development,
strengthening social fabric and well-being of the people and protecting India's
sovereignty and territorial integrity. India's foreign policy is a
forward-looking engagement with the rest of the world, based on a rigorous,
realistic and contemporary assessment of the bilateral, regional and global
geo-political and economic milieu.
1. Conventional Security
As is necessary for any nation, India’s principal priority is
ensuring conventional security for its country and its people. In recent
years, India has built up a strong and capable Army, Navy and Air Force: the
third, forth and seventh largest in the world respectively. India’s
military is not only large, but
effective, well trained and increasingly well equipped; their Air Force has been known to best that of the
United States in combat air exercises.
2. Economic Growth:
India’s second principal
foreign policy goal is economic growth. From its birth to 1980 India was
known for its “Hindu” rate of GDP growth of approximately 3.5% per year.
Following the 1991 economic reforms led by the then-Finance Minister Manmohan
Singh, growth tripled, reaching 8% in 2004. The government is forecasting
up to 10% growth, second only to that of China, for the coming decade.
3. Energy Security:
In order to sustain
economic growth at around 10%, India must ensure energy security, its third
major area of focus. India currently imports 70% of its oil and 50% of
its gas; by 2025 it is projected that India will import 80% of its energy
needs.
4. Nuclear Capability and Nonproliferation:
As mentioned earlier,
India has two nuclear weapons powers on its borders – China and Pakistan – and
one would-be nuclear weapons power in its immediate locale – Iran. Its
relations with these first two powers are unstable; India has fought wars with
both in recent decades and tensions rise and fall over border disagreements.
In this context, India continues to attend to its own nuclear resources, and is
very sensitive to intimation of control by any other power. [2]
5. Prestige Security:
The final priority of
New Delhi’s government is for India to take its “rightful” place on the global
stage. In so doing they recognize the importance of building their
strategic stature and leadership. With 1.1 billion people, India has the
second largest population in the world, and one of the youngest with over 50%
under the age of 25. Their economy, by purchasing power parity, is 4th
in the world after the U.S., China and Japan.
3) What factors indicates India as
a regional big power: India as a Rising Power:
India has a number of power capabilities that are necessary ingredients for
claiming a rising power status. Elsewhere, Baldev Raj Nayar and I (2003) have
argued that India is perhaps the leading contender for major power status from
the developing world in the 21st century due to its comprehensive
national capabilities, defined in both
hard and soft power resources. The hard power resources include: extant
military
capabilities, economic resources, and technological and demographic assets. The
soft power assets include: leadership in international institutions; cultural
appeal, democracy, secularism, and a federal polity. Moreover, India is
geographically situated at a major strategic location with the Indian Ocean
being the crucial waters for the world’s oil transportation. [3]In
addition, among most of the emerging powers, India has shown the highest
inclination, in terms of its elite and public positioning, and in terms of its
invocation of its grand civilization history, for the position of major power.
More concretely, what are the sources of India’s aspirations in this regard?
4) The policy
which is followed India to maintain its dominance in South Asian countries
which are given below:
Pakistan:
Pakistan has emerged as a “rogue nuclear
state” however much the United States may like to paint it white. It has
proliferated uranium enrichment technology to North Korea and Iran too
(estimative analysis) and thereby jeopardizing vital United States strategic
interests in East Asia and the Middle East.
In relation to bringing Pakistan to heel
in South Asia, India’s foreign policies concerning Pakistan must incorporate
the following ingredients:
* Pakistan’s proxy war against India
needs to be carried back into Pakistan. Self-determination movements in Sindh,
Baluchistan, Pashtunistan and Northern Areas need to be exploited. India’s
oft-quoted ‘pro-active policies’ must be put into effect here.
* Pakistan based terrorist organizations
must be struck the way the Israel strikes back at its opponents.[4]
* India’s foreign policies and military
policies lack the essential ingredient of “Psychological Warfare” and allied
operations.
* Pakistan Army’s stranglehold over the
Pakistani nation-state and thwarting the emergence of democracy and pluralism
in Pakistan needs to be vigorously exposed as part of the above operation.
* India must impose an arms-race on
Pakistan the pace of which Pakistan can ill-afford economically and nor can its
external patrons subsidies.
* In relation to Pakistan, India must
make it clear to the other South Asian countries that they have to choose
between India and Pakistan in South Asia. “Either you are with us, or against
us” and if their choice is “against us” they should be prepared to face the
consequences of their choice.
India’s conditions for resumption of
dialogue with Pakistan need to rest on far more important considerations,
namely that:
* India will enter into dialogue with
Pakistan only when a democratically elected government comes into power,
through elections supervised by international observers.
* India will not enter into dialogue
with Pakistan based on Pakistani imposed pre-conditions of Kashmir and the
rest.[5]
* India should maintain that
Kashmir is not an issue historically nor is it now. Kashmir’s
accession to India is non-negotiable as per the unanimous resolution of the
Special Session of the Indian Parliament.
* India will enter into a dialogue with
Pakistan only when it begins to respect the sanctity of the
Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Jammu and Kashmir- a point endorsed by the United States through
President Clinton’s statement.
Nepal:
Nepal
has been wracked by a Maoist insurgency for the last five or six years. India
has remained a passive bystander witnessing the growing erosion of Nepal’s
state power. Other than giving some military materiel for counter insurgency
operations, no weighty measures have been taken.
India
has not recognized the gravity of a Maoist take-over of Nepal as American
analysts have done in depth. As per American analysts, the strategic
implications of a Maoist take-over of Nepal are:
*
Nepal becomes a total client state of China. A Maoist Nepal under Chinese
tutelage would be a serious disruptive factor for US global strategies in the
region.
*
Maoist-insurgents ruled Nepal would inextricably get dragged into Islamic
terrorist organizations linkages, besides China’s policies towards the Islamic
world.[6]
India
needs to realize the gravity of the strategic implications, specific to India,
namely:
*
A China-aligned Nepal, removes an important buffer state between India and
China. India would have to militarily man the India-Nepal border in strength,
which may eat up two to three infantry divisions.
*
A China-aligned Nepal adds to the existing China-client states in South Asia
i.e. Pakistan and Bangladesh. It would be a very unholy trinity with not only
the Western and Eastern flanks of India under China’s influence, but the
Northern flank too added.
*
For the majority peoples of India, the only Hindu kingdom in the world would slide
down ignobly into a Chinese-Islamic coalition in South Asia. [7]
India
must therefore, immediately, cast away its existing reluctance and inhibitions
to act firmly, even militarily, to prevent a Maoist take-over of Nepal.
Fortunately in Nepal’s current Maoist-threatened environment, convergence of
security interests exist between the United States and India. India must
therefore jointly work with the United States to protect the sovereignty of the
Nepalese state against a Maoist takeover.
It
was so stated by US Assistant Secretary of State, Christiana Rocca during her
recent visit to New Delhi: “Working in tandem, our governments can help Nepal
defeat the Maoists threat and re-establish democratic institutions responsive
to the needs of the people".
India
must therefore act forcefully and unapologetically in Nepal forthwith to secure
her national interests. It would be a convincing demonstration of what this
paper espouses: “India will intervene forcefully to secure her national
interests in the region”. [8]
Bangladesh:
For
far too long has India been oblivious to the playing of the ‘Indian-Card’ (for or
against) in Bangladesh’s domestic politics. For far too long has India
tolerated the use of Bangladesh as a springboard for Pakistan’s strategic de-destabilization
of India’s North-Eastern states. India could borrow a leaf from Myanmar's
dealing with the Rohinggya problem emanating from Saudi based
organizations in Bangladesh. Al Qaeda’s tentacles exist in Bangladesh. [9]
Bangladesh
too is a fit case where Indian foreign policy objectives could gain a
convergence with United States national interests. The China-Bangladesh Defense
Cooperation Agreement adds an additional dimension to the other threats as analyzed
in an earlier Paper of this author.
India
needs to draw red-lines in terms of India’s national interests which Bangladesh
must not overstep with impunity. In tandem, India through its big business
houses should integrate Bangladesh into more commercial linkages. Increased
Indian economic investments in Bangladesh could generate thousands of job and
remove the root cause of Bangladesh’s instability and move towards Islamic
fundamentalism.[10]
Sri Lanka:
India’s
national interests demand maintaining the unity and sovereignty of the Sri
Lanka nation state. India’s domestic Tamil politics should not become the touch
stone of India’s policies towards Sri Lanka. India needs to react forcefully to
ensure that Sri Lanka remains a unified state with a set up that would meet the
just aspirations of a majority of Tamils.
The above proposition entails once again
the forging of mutual national interest’s convergence of India and the United
States Sri Lanka is an important component of United States India Ocean
strategy and it is felt that United States-India convergences exist already.
Joint USA-India strategies and foreign policies towards Sri Lanka would be
helpful in counter-acting Chinese and Pakistani overtures to wean away Sri
Lanka from India’s influence. [11]
Bhutan:
Where India Historically, ties with India have been close.
Both countries signed a Friendship treaty in 1949, would assist Bhutan in
foreign relations. On February 8, 2007, the Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty was
substantially revised under the Bhutanese King, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wang chuck.
Whereas in the Treaty of 1949 Article 2 read as "The Government of India
undertakes to exercise no interference in the internal administration of
Bhutan. On its part the Government of Bhutan agrees to be guided by the advice
of the Government of India in regard to its external relations."[12]
Afghanistan:
India
maintained her traditional policy of friendship and cooperation with
Afghanistan, with the Government of Professor Rabbani, whom it continued to
support as the legitimate Government of Afghanistan. However, the situation in
Afghanistan remained unstable. The situation was further exacerbated by the
interference of Pakistan directly and more so through its creation, the
Taliban. With the takeover of Kabul by the Taliban militia on 27 September 1996
a new dimension was added to the unstable condition in Afghanistan. The Taliban
continue the pursuit of obscurantist doctrine and the consequent denial of
human rights, especially the rights of women. India has always supported the
unity, independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Afghanistan.[13]
India called for the cessation of foreign interference in Afghanistan and for
peaceful discussions and negotiations between Afghan parties. India also
supported the efforts of the UN Secretary General and his Special Representative
in bringing peace to Afghanistan. India has been in the formal international
peace processes on Afghanistan.
Maldives:
India
continues to maintain very close and friendly relations with Maldives, which is
an important maritime neighbor. A regular and cordial interaction was kept up
during 1996-97. The Maldives, Institute of Technical Education, a Government of
India funded project, was successfully completed and the complex was handed
over to the Government of Maldives on 16 September 1996.
Conclusion:
In pursuing its regional objectives i.e. its grand strategy, strategy and
tactics at a regional India has demonstrated less logic and flexibility in
dealing with her neighboring countries. Only
India can contribute to a politico- strategic process in South Asia, help
remove the evident misunderstanding among the people of the region, build up a
structure of cooperative relationship based on mutual trust, and finally,
infuse an element of spontaneity of service and sacrifice essential for
developing a common South Asia destiny.
[1]Pranab
Kumar pandey, “Political culture in Bangladesh: Does leadership matters”Journal of social change,Vol.34,
No.4,2004,PP.24-37.
[2] .M.Nazrul
Islam, “Consolidating Asian democracy,”(Dhaka:
Nipun printing industries Ltd.2007), PP.39-47.
[3]
http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/china/2005/china-050405-irna01.htm.
Available on12July, 2010
[4] Pranab
Kumar pandey,op.cit.pp.34-37
[5]Ali .T.Sheikh, “South Asian Regional
Cooperation for peace and stability”in Abdul Hafiz and Iftekharuzzaman (eds), South Asian regional Cooperation : A Socio-Economic Approach to peace and
Stability(Dhaka: BLLSS-1985),P-225
[6]Ali .T.Sheikh,Ibid.pp.227-230
[7] http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7120343.stm.
Available on12July, 2010
[8] .M.Nazrul Islam.Op.cit.pp.50-51
[9] Pranab
Kumar pandey,op.cit.pp.40-41
[10] .M.Nazrul Islam.Op.cit.pp.53-54
[11] http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/china/2005/china-050405-irna01.htm.
Available on12July, 2010
[12]Pranab
Kumar pandey.op.cit.55-56
[13]Pranab
Kumar pandey.ibid.pp60-61
